Showing posts with label home guard. Show all posts
Showing posts with label home guard. Show all posts

Friday, 29 July 2011

The Guard Who Found Islam.

The Guard Who Found Islam.

Terry Holdbrooks stood watch over prisoners at Gitmo. What he saw made him adopt their faith.

Army specialist Terry Holdbrooks had been a guard at Guantánamo for about six months the night he had his life-altering conversation with detainee 590, a Moroccan also known as "the General." This was early 2004, about halfway through Holdbrooks's stint at Guantánamo with the 463rd Military Police Company. Until then, he'd spent most of his day shifts just doing his duty. He'd escort prisoners to interrogations or walk up and down the cellblock making sure they weren't passing notes. But the midnight shifts were slow. "The only thing you really had to do was mop the center floor," he says. So Holdbrooks began spending part of the night sitting cross-legged on the ground, talking to detainees through the metal mesh of their cell doors.
He developed a strong relationship with the General, whose real name is Ahmed Errachidi. Their late-night conversations led Holdbrooks to be more skeptical about the prison, he says, and made him think harder about his own life. Soon, Holdbrooks was ordering books on Arabic and Islam. During an evening talk with Errachidi in early 2004, the conversation turned to the shahada, the one-line statement of faith that marks the single requirement for converting to Islam ("There is no God but God and Muhammad is his prophet"). Holdbrooks pushed a pen and an index card through the mesh, and asked Errachidi to write out the shahada in English and transliterated Arabic. He then uttered the words aloud and, there on the floor of Guantánamo's Camp Delta, became a Muslim.
When historians look back on Guantánamo, the harsh treatment of detainees and the trampling of due process will likely dominate the narrative. Holdbrooks, who left the military in 2005, saw his share. In interviews over recent weeks, he and another former guard told NEWSWEEK about degrading and sometimes sadistic acts against prisoners committed by soldiers, medics and interrogators who wanted revenge for the 9/11 attacks on America. But as the fog of secrecy slowly lifts from Guantánamo, other scenes are starting to emerge as well, including surprising interactions between guards and detainees on subjects like politics, religion and even music. The exchanges reveal curiosity on both sides—sometimes even empathy. "The detainees used to have conversations with the guards who showed some common respect toward them," says Errachidi, who spent five years in Guantánamo and was released in 2007. "We talked about everything, normal things, and things [we had] in common," he wrote to NEWSWEEK in an e-mail from his home in Morocco.
Holdbrooks's level of identification with the other side was exceptional. No other guard has volunteered that he embraced Islam at the prison (though Errachidi says others expressed interest). His experience runs counter to academic studies, which show that guards and inmates at ordinary prisons tend to develop mutual hostility. But then, Holdbrooks is a contrarian by nature. He can also be conspiratorial. When his company visited the site of the 9/11 attacks in New York, Holdbrooks remembers thinking there had to be a broader explanation, and that the Bush administration must have colluded somehow in the plot.
But his misgivings about Guantánamo—including doubts that the detainees were the "worst of the worst"—were shared by other guards as early as 2002. A few such guards are coming forward for the first time. Specialist Brandon Neely, who was at Guantánamo when the first detainees arrived that year, says his enthusiasm for the mission soured quickly. "There were a couple of us guards who asked ourselves why these guys are being treated so badly and if they're actually terrorists at all," he told NEWSWEEK. Neely remembers having long conversations with detainee Ruhal Ahmed, who loved Eminem and James Bond and would often rap or sing to the other prisoners. Another former guard, Christopher Arendt, went on a speaking tour with former detainees in Europe earlier this year to talk critically about the prison.
Holdbrooks says growing up hard in Phoenix—his parents were junkies and he himself was a heavy drinker before joining the military in 2002—helps explain what he calls his "anti-everything views." He has holes the size of quarters in both earlobes, stretched-out piercings that he plugs with wooden discs. At his Phoenix apartment, bedecked with horror-film memorabilia, he rolls up both sleeves to reveal wrist-to-shoulder tattoos. He describes the ink work as a narrative of his mistakes and addictions. They include religious symbols and Nazi SS bolts, track marks and, in large letters, the words BY DEMONS BE DRIVEN. He says the line, from a heavy-metal song, reminds him to be a better person.
`Alaykum Salam.

Friday, 24 June 2011

Forbesganj.

Forbesganj brutality and the shocking silence of Muslim leadership of Bihar

By Soroor Ahmed, TwoCircles.net.
Even as the civil society in general and Muslim organizations, activists and academics outside Bihar and in foreign countries in particular were outraged by the brutality in Forbesganj, especially after a video footage showing a policeman stomping over the body of an injured youth (who subsequently succumbed to his injuries), the minority community leadership of the state remained largely silent and the Urdu media have little or no space for it––at least in the initial few days.
The incident took place in front of the senior police officers of Araria district but the Nitish Kumar government, till date, has not taken any action against them. It just got the home-guard jawan involved in it arrested, and a case under Section 302 has been instituted against him.
But that is not the news. The tragedy is that for a whole week none of the Muslim leaders and Urdu newspapers openly dared to condemn the highhandedness of Araria district administration and the manner in which the state government handled it. The state Home Secretary, Amir Subhani, who visited the spot, ruled out any compensation to the victims till the inquiry is over.
Yes, some of these community leaders––there is no need to name them as they are nationally known personalities––chose to open their mouths only after film director Mahesh Bhatt and social activist Shabnam Hashmi held a Press conference in Patna on June 10, exactly a week after the killing of four people belonging to the Muslim community in Bhajanpur village. This includes a six-month old boy and a five month pregnant woman.
No, these towering Muslim religious leaders––barring that of Jamat-e-Islami––were not encouraged by the presence of Mahesh Bhatt in Patna. They came out with their statements only after the chief minister, Nitish Kumar, left the state for New Delhi to be on way to China as a part of the country’s goodwill mission to that country.
Even then not all the community leaders have spoken out. There are only a couple of them who issued statements and got space in Urdu dailies.
There is no denying the fact that media is in complete control of the Nitish Kumar government, thanks to enormous amount of advertisements they are getting from the government. Besides, there is palpable fear of arm-twisting from the state government. In spite of the fact a couple of relatively small television channels dared to show the clipping and openly debated the issue.
But the national television channels and newspapers remained largely silent. They have more time and space to cover Baba Ramdev and Anna Hazare or even UP police crackdown in Noida over land acquisition sometimes back. But the trampling of a body by a policeman in front of senior cops is no big news for them.
Their silence is understandable as they have gone too far ahead in giving certificate to the present government of Bihar, though some atrocious incidents have taken place in the state in the recent months.
Never in the country’s history a sitting MLA had been stabbed to death by a woman, who happens to be a 42-year old principal of a school, simply because she was under constant pressure to withdraw a case of repeated rape by the Legislator and his aide. The slain MLA of Purnea was BJP’s Raj Kishore Kesri and the killer is Rupam Pathak. What is more shocking is that within hours of the incident the deputy chief minister, Sushil Kumar Modi, dubbed the woman a blackmailer, thus giving clear direction to police how to pursue the case.
Perhaps never in the history the daughter-in-law of a national poet (Rashtriya Kavi), Ramdhari Singh Dinkar, had to sit on dharna outside Rajghat in Delhi simply because the ancestral house had allegedly been occupied by the nephew of the deputy chief minister of the state, Sushil Kumar Modi. The widow daughter-in-law along with her son had to do take this step because the chief minister himself refused to show any interest in the issue when she personally met him at the Janata Darbar.
And never in the post-Bhagalpur riots Bihar (Oct-Nov 1989) had the people of the state to see such a disgusting photo showing a cop indulging in barbarism in a village near Forbesganj sub-division of Araria district.
The national media may have their own compulsion, but what about the Muslim leadership of Bihar? Do they have any business interest in keeping silent for so long over such a tragedy.
But this is not the first case of police atrocities against common people in general and minorities and Dalits in particular, in the last six years. There are innumerable such instances. One such incident took place in Kahalgaon in Bhagalpur district more than three years back, over power shortage. A local TV channel showed it but none of the Muslim leaders and newspapers had the courage to take it up.
But those incidents were relatively less serious, therefore, could not attract national and international attention.
The only silver-lining, so far Muslims are concerned, is that a news portal – no, not in Urdu but English – TwoCircles.net – followed the story from day one. The video footage on its Home Page more than justifies the saying that a photo says a thousand words – perhaps billions and trillions.
Better late than never. Muslim community leaders and Urdu media have started speaking out during the week-long absence of the chief minister. They have followed Mahesh Bhatt, Shabnam Hashmi and the likes of Rupesh, Vinod and Manish Shandilya, human right activists, and many others cutting across caste and religious lines.
They have followed the Muslims of Delhi who took to streets on June 13 and the Council of Indian Muslims, United Kingdom, which wrote to the chief minister strongly denouncing the incident.
The Nitish government might have done nothing for Muslims of Bihar. But it has done one thing. It has been generous towards Khanqahs and Urdu newspapers––one of them got almost double amount of advertisement than national English dailies in the financial year 2010-11. The complete list of advertisements procured from the RTI, is available on the news portal BiharTimes.com.
The bottom-line of Forbesganj incident is: the whole community leadership can be silenced by a loaf of bread.